Spielrein's biographer, Richebächer, cites several sources in her account of Spielrein's death that I have yet to review on this thread. These are:
- An interview with Nina Snitkowa (which I have yet to locate)
- Some testimony from the trial of Seetzen (commander of Einsatzkommando 10a) in Munich in the 1965-66
- Besatzungpolitik und Massenmord by Andrej Angrick (2003, book version of an earlier thesis)
- "Zum Tode Sabina Spielreins" (On Sabina Spielrein's death), by Burkhard Issel, an article in Beiträge sur Geschichte der Psychologie 19 (Frankfurt, Lang, 2003).
In this post, I will look at the sources and conclusions in Issel's article. This article was key in moving the presumed date of Spielrein's death from 1941 to 1942.
Issel's article on Spielrein's deathIssel notes that there are scant sources for Spielrein's life after her decision to return to Soviet Russia in 1923. She sent no scholarly articles abroad after 1931. There is an absence of correspondence from the 1930s and the circumstances of her death remained "mysterious" until the 1980s (arguably they still are). The state of the sources is "catastrophic" (page 198). However, German and Swiss scholars have sought to improve this situation and important contacts have been made with Russia for the purpose. Rostov was "largely devastated" during the Second World War, with its Archives and documents that could have shed light on Spielrein destroyed (page 198). She is recorded in a list of Russian psychotherapists in 1937, but her life "seems to end in nothing" (page 196).
Origins of the 1941 dateThis situation changed in 1983 when a Swedish researcher, Magnus Ljunggren, published a newspaper article
(Expressen, 15 July 1983) that included an interview with Sabina Spielrein's niece, Menicha Spielrein. After this, sources began to report her date of death as 1941 and that she "was shot, with her daughters, as a Jewess by the Germans who had conquered Rostov" (page 197). Later biographical sources relied on this and stated as fact:
"Sabina Spielrein was last seen with both her daughters in a train of Jews that were driven through the streets of Rostov and finally shot by Nazis in the Synagogue." (page 198)
Subsequent books, including works by Mühlheimer and Stephan and essays by Wittgenstein and Volgger repeat this story. It seems likely then, that Jones too is repeating the story whose ultimate source is Ljunggren's interview with Menicha Spielrein in 1983.
Doubts about the 1941 dateRostov was occupied twice by the Germans, briefly in 1941 and then for seven months in 1942-43. Ljundggren reports that "it was said" that all Jews were shot in the Synagogue during the first occupation. Issel doubts this. No direct eye-witnessses are cited and Menicha seems to be simply reporting second-hand reports and rumours. There is a conflict between the report of Jews being driven through the town to a building and those that say they assembled and were taken away in lorries.
The first occupation lasted only a few days before the Germans retreated to Taganrog for the winter. A unit of Einsatzgruppe D (Sonderkommando 10a) was present in the town, but its reports make no reference to this event and they seem to have been occupied with other activities. Hence Issel thinks a date in the second occupation (1942-February 1943) is "more probable" (page 199). It here emerges that he has made contact with Andrej Angrick, the leading (non-revisionist) scholar of the Einsatzgruppen, who concurs with his judgement. Issel is inclined to rely on Angrick's judgement, though he has also consulted the original German wartime documents and the published reminiscences of a German general.
There are two surviving reports from Sonderkommando 10a from Rostov in 1941. The unit was around 100 strong, of whom around 60 were present in Rostov. As said, the reports make no mention of executions of Jews. These reports were sent by courier or transmission to the RSHA, where they were rewritten (page 203n). 35 people were shot after a confrontation with an armed group.
Angrick's work is cited by Mattogno in his book on the Einsatzgruppen (Castle Hill, 2018), though only for the document collections that Angrick has published.
Evidence for 1942-43 as date of deathThe first occupation of Rostov took several days fighting. The second occupation was costlier. There were three lines of defence including minefields. The NKVD had ensured that the streets were barricaded, with doors and windows secured and sandbagged and snipers placed on roofs. SS General Carell later said that "The struggle for the town centre was a merciless one." (page 202).
There is evidence of Jews being registered in August 1942 and an Elders' Council formed as required by Seetzen. The Jews in Rostov did not live in a quarter, but dispersed through the city. There is a report of 400 people being liquidated. There are reports of Jews being taken out of the city on lorries to the Snake ravine. Various figures are reported of executed Jews. There is a confession that mentions 1,000 people killed in three days in August 1942. The "Black Book" speaks of 15-16,000 Jews. Gerald Reitlinger mentions 18,000.
One of Spielrein's relatives has told Issel that he thinks 1942 is a more probable date for Sabina Spielrein's death and Angrick endorses this. Recent Russian books have moved to a presumed 1942 date of death. There is one additional source in them: an interview with Spielrein's in-law Nina Pawlowna. Issel himself concludes:
"In short, I too cannot say with any final assurance what happened to Sabina Spielrein and her two daughters and when." (page 207).
Nonetheless, it is "his conviction" that she died in a "world-historical massacre" (page 207). The surviving German records appear inconclusive. The Synagogue of Rostov still survives (though perhaps it has been rebuilt).
- Rostov_Synagogue.jpg (12.73 KiB) Viewed 2399 times
A study of it might at least exclude the 1941 date, based on the shooting in a Synagogue story.
The broader question though, is that both dates might be wrong and the cause of Spielrein and her daughters' deaths could lie elsewhere.
ConclusionThere are three well-attested events in this period that involved the deaths of civilians in Rostov-on-Don. Firstly the initial German assault in November 1941. Secondly, the onslaught in July 1942 against a defended city in which civilians and military personnel were mixed; and thirdly the Soviet assault on the city in February 1943. In addition, there is the likely toll on civilian lives under the NKVD and Einsatzgruppe D.
In light of this, it seems arbitrary to assume with any high probability that Spielrein was killed as a Jew by Einsatzgruppe D, though it may nonetheless be true. It is noteworthy that the archives of the city were destroyed, but presumably they were later reconstructed for purposes of civil administration (e.g. property allocation, rent collection). Perhaps then, more information will still be forthcoming.
This may be an instance of other disciplines placing undue reliance on the findings of Holocaust Studies. A comparison of Mattogno's work with that of Angrick might shed more light on this.